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By Gary Littlejohn (auth.)

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It was felt that the 'kulaks' (peasant capitalists) were vital on the marketing of a grain 'surplus' which would provide the necessary investment funds for industrialisation. Consequently it was feared that they would be able to hold the regime to ransom if they withheld their grain from the market. This fear of a 'kulak grain strike' first surfaced in public statements by party leaders in 1925, but it was later used to justify repressive measures which extended to the mass of the peasantry when the growing crisis of 1928 and 1929 seemed likely to jeopardise the first Five Year Plan.

12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 41 vagueness, but it should be pointed out that substituting a phrase like 'social inequality' does little to help, unless backed by some theoretical support; on its own the phrase 'social inequality' merely avoids the assumption that forms of social differentiation coalesce into strata. K. Marx, Capital, volume 2, Lawrence & Wishart, London, 1967. K. Marx, Capital, volume 1, Lawrence & Wishart, London, 1970. See G. Littlejohn, 'State, Plan and Market in the Transition to Socialism: The Legacy ofBukharin', Economy and Society, vol.

It is only in relation to the labourers that the capitalists might be said to collectively possess the means of production. Yet even this remark does not resolve the problem of the unproductive labourers whose work is a condition of the specialisation of the different kinds of capital. Can one say that unproductive labourers such as managers do not also control some of the conditions of production? What is needed, then, are grounds for treating some determinants of the division oflabour as relevant for the definition of classes, and others as not relevant.

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