Download After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World by Robert O. Keohane PDF

By Robert O. Keohane

This publication is a complete research of cooperation one of the complex capitalist nations. Can cooperation persist with no the dominance of a unmarried energy, equivalent to the us after global warfare II? to respond to this urgent query, Robert Keohane analyzes the associations, or "international regimes," in which cooperation has taken position on this planet political economic system and describes the evolution of those regimes as American hegemony has eroded. Refuting the concept the decline of hegemony makes cooperation most unlikely, he perspectives foreign regimes now not as vulnerable substitutes for international govt yet as units for facilitating decentralized cooperation between egoistic actors. within the preface the writer addresses the difficulty of cooperation after the tip of the Soviet empire and with the renewed dominance of the USA, in defense issues, in addition to contemporary scholarship on cooperation.

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Power, for Gilpin, refers to a causal relationship and varies according to the context in which it is exercised: "there is no single hierarchy of power in international relations" (1975, p. 24). To define power in terms of control is plausible enough, but it does not address the question of the value of the concept in the study of politics. To use the concept of power to explain behavior, one needs to be able to measure power prior to the actions being explained and to construct models in which different amounts or types of power lead to different outcomes.

I focus on the effects of system characteristics because I believe that the behavior of states, as well as of other actors, is strongly affected by the constraints and incentives provided by the international environment. When the international system changes, so will incentives and behavior. My "outside-in" perspective is therefore similar to that of systemic forms of Realist theory, or "structural Realism" (Krasner, 1983). What distinguishes my argument from structural Realism is my emphasis on the effects of international institutions and practices on state behavior.

So is the distribution of wealth. But human activity at the international level also exerts significant effects. International regimes alter the information available to governments and the opportunities open to them; commitments made to support such institutions can only be broken at a cost to reputation. International regimes therefore change the calculations of advantage that governments make. To try to understand state behavior simply by combining the structural Realist theory based on distribution of power and wealth with the foreign policy analyst's stress on choice, without understanding international regimes, would be like trying to account for competition and collusion among oligopolistic business firms without bothering to ascertain whether their leaders met together regularly, whether they belonged to the same trade associations, or whether they had developed informal means of coordinating behavior without direct communication.

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